What scientific studies have been done to study child placement/adoption?

Kerry's picture

October 2003

http://www.scie.org.uk/publications/knowledgereviews/kr02-summary.pdf

This review, by Dr Alan Rushton from the Institute of Psychiatry, King’s College London, set out to map published research literature on the adoption of children from public care, to identify gaps, and to suggest future directions for research.

The study, and this summary, will be of interest to people working in the field of adoption, and to those undertaking, commissioning or planning research.

The mapping shows that:

  • Small-scale research has been conducted into agencies’ contribution to effective practice in recruitment, assessment, matching and preparation, but it does not provide a sound basis for choosing between alternative kinds of practice.
  • Outcomes of placements with adoptive parents, early or late in the child’s experience of being looked after, have been studied but information on teenage placements is missing.
  • More needs to be known about users’ view of services – especially the views of black and ethnic minority adopters, and birth parents.
  • There are no comparisons of the cost-benefits of different packages of support services.

The study recommends:

  • A large-scale, multi-disciplinary investigation of placement outcomes and factors influencing them, across all placement options.
  • An urgent study of the levels and types of post-placement /post-adoption contact with the birth family.
  • Evaluation of adoption support services, involving both short examinations of preparation and training, and randomised controlled trials of more specialist interventions.
  • Relatively small-scale and fast studies concerning policy implementation and consumer views, which could make use of questionnaires and focus on a cross-section of the relevant user group.

Introduction

The review was deliberately restricted to a particular group of adopted children – children who were previously in public care – and to a particular kind of literature. Only published research literature is covered – practice and policy papers, inspection reports and websites, which would be covered by a full review, are not included. The review identifies the key research issues, but was not intended to examine individual studies critically or comprehensively. Existing reviews are highlighted where available.

The policy context for research in the adoption field is complex and raises strong feelings. Recent seminars funded by the Nuffield Foundation, for example, showed up major differences of opinion and policy towards adoption between countries. Some countries take a radical line against breaking ties with birth parents, or ending parental rights with birth families, when a child is in need or at risk. Sweden, for example, does not allow the adoption of children from care without parental consent. These countries favour a policy of family preservation, or placement with relatives but without adoption. But these strongly-held positions are rarely backed up by independent research data on outcomes.

In the UK, recent political initiatives have encouraged the greater use of adoption as a solution to the care of children who cannot live with their birth families. This drive for ‘permanence’ has been welcomed by many, but has also given rise to debate. Where children have lingered uncertainly and for far too long in the care system, ‘permanence’ is clearly the top priority. But not all children need the same solution. They may be ‘children who wait’, but they may not be waiting specifically for adoption. It is also argued that this concentration on adoption may discourage practitioners from taking an integrated view of all the available placement choices, to ensure that the best plan is made for each individual child.

Adoption research has grown over the last 40 years in quantity and quality. But it will always remain a challenging field of enquiry because of the complex concepts being examined, and because adoption policy and practice is a constantly ‘moving target’ for researchers. This review was designed to indicate the scope of contemporary adoption research, and to suggest what further studies are needed to provide a better evidence base for policy and practice.

Findings

The findings of the review are arranged in terms of five stages in the adoption process: recruitment and preparation, adoption outcomes, the child’s problems, contact arrangement with birth families, and adoption support.

1. Recruitment, assessment, matching and preparation

The recruitment of suitable, new adoptive parents is obviously fundamental to a successful adoption policy. More research is needed (among many topics) on:

  • the nature of the initial contact with the recruitment agency and its relationship with follow-through; and
  • comparative outcomes of placements with traditional and non-traditional groups.
  • the cost-effectiveness of major recruitment drives, and other forms of recruitment;

The government is currently reviewing the adopter assessment process with the aim of improving the fairness, transparency and consistency of assessments across agencies. No studies, to date, have collected data at the point of assessment and related them to placement outcome. The implication of the work which has been done suggests that pre-placement assessment can screen out obviously unsuitable applicants, but that outcomes cannot be predicted at this stage. A research group at Coram Family/Great Ormond Street is trying to establish whether the attachment style of the new carers contributes or not to the child’s growth of attachment.

The systematic and holistic assessment of the children is supported by Kirby and Hardesty’s guidance on conducting detailed assessments of looked after children; and Quinton and Murray have recently discussed the assessment of the emotional and behavioural development of children looked after away from home. Practitioners also need:

  • a widely accepted, easy to administer, brief assessment tool for a range of uses (the proposed Integrated Children’s System promises to provide a common approach to the assessment of children’s developmental progress); and
  • further investigation of the concept of ‘readiness for placement’, already used by practitioners.

A recent review of the evidence on matching concludes that research has yet to provide clear indicators of what constitutes a good match. Independent research is needed into the matching process to establish whether factors before placement can be identified which increase the likelihood of good outcomes. One of the most contentious issues in matching the child or children to new parents is whether new parents should be selected according to racial and ethnic background. The arguments are summarised and the research comprehensively reviewed in Rushton and Minnis: it is now generally agreed that agencies should try to make the closest ethnic match whenever possible.

Future research interest is now more likely to focus on samples of transracially placed children and their adult adjustment and identities.

The practice literature indicates that models of preparing the new family vary considerably. They need to be evaluated for their relevance and effectiveness, and this will be made easier once standard pre-placement packages are more commonly used. It is also important to learn more about the ways in which adopters’ own children react to the arrival of a new child, and to understand better what adoption might mean for them and for their extended family.

Although preparation of children, especially ‘Life Story Work’, has been described and promoted by practitioners, there are no studies on how this subsequently affects the child’s development and placement. Research is needed:

  • on a large scale, using a relatively standard and clearly specified method of intervention;
  • into the cultural competence of agencies in their recruitment, assessment, preparation and support activities; and
  • to establish which models are better received for different groups.

In order to counter drift in the care system, new permanency time-frames are being introduced, but it will also be important to undertake research to establish whether compromises are made in assessment, matching and preparation and consulting birth parents’ wishes in order to meet exacting targets.

In each of these areas (recruitment, assessment, matching and preparation) we still need to know whether there are different consequences for conducting the work in one way rather than another.

2. Adoption outcomes

The rates, causes and some of the immediate consequences of adoption disruption have been researched, and have found very positive outcomes for healthy infants who are adopted. But the outcomes for very young children adopted after neglect or abuse need further study.

A number of research reviews have recently been conducted on children placed from care for adoption, all of which have given some attention to outcome. These include:

  • Sellick and Thoburn’s review which covers studies on all forms of temporary and permanent family placement;
  • Adoption Now, which covers recent Department of Health (DoH) commissioned research;
  • Rushton’s review of outcome literature; and
  • Cohen, on what determines adjustment in children.

About a dozen studies have been published examining outcomes for children placed with non-relatives, after infancy. These have shown disruption rates of about 20 per cent, and even where children are placed in middle childhood, adoption appears to work well for most. However, the picture is much less positive for adolescents, and the full story is much more complex.

Adoption researchers agree that measuring outcomes is very difficult and is probably becoming more so as approaches involving multiple indicators are being developed. Reduction in the disruption rate should certainly remain as one key service target. But new developments have been taking place in assessing outcome in different kinds of placement, including adoption. As research teams try to measure outcomes for a variety of placement choices and are devising more useful classifications than just disruption or survival, there is a risk that they may produce differing classification systems, leading to lack of comparability of findings.

Selwyn, Sturgess, Baxter and Quinton are currently engaged in a longitudinal study of children placed for adoption between three to eight years in Avon. This will provide important new evidence on how to predict outcomes partly because important data will be available on the children’s pre-care experiences. Possibilities exist for other studies, which follow up samples gathered some time ago, and where the adopted children are now adolescents or young adults. Studies are also needed on the adoption of particular groups – adolescents who want to be adopted, for example.

The Department for Education and Skills is currently considering ways of establishing adoption disruption/survival rates nationally by checking on the frequency with which children re-enter care and the reasons for readmission. Detailed, interview-based research is probably also necessary.

An important question is not just how adoptions turn out, but how they compare with other placement plans. Simple comparisons can be misleading, and new studies with large samples are needed in order to control for differences in the populations. Adoption should be considered ‘worth the risk’ on the basis of studies of placements made late in the child’s care career, but evidence is emerging that adoptions clearly do not work for a minority. All the time, more is becoming known about the consequences of placement decisions. But the messages from research have not been as clear cut or as easy to translate into practice guidance as some might have hoped.

3. The child’s previous experiences, and current difficulties

Most studies of longitudinal data confirm that the factors associated with disrupted placements are:

  • older age at placement
  • the child’s adverse experiences in previous environments
  • the level of behavioural difficulties at placement
  • placement of a child in an established family with a resident child of similar age.

Research has not shown the sex and race of the adopted child to be associated with greater risk of placement instability, and disability carries less risk of disruption than emotional and behavioural problems. But beyond these basic findings, the meaning of other associations with risk becomes harder to unravel. An important field of study of great relevance to adoption is the growing research both on pre-natal and early experience, and on child maltreatment and its consequences, for all aspects of development and especially attachment.

Although it is likely that adopted children will have a whole range of problems, three groups stand out both in the children, and in the new parents’ descriptions of the difficulties which are hardest to handle:

  • Relationship difficulties: the application of attachment theory to relationships in adoption has helped in understanding the origin and consequences of insecure attachment, but there is little certainty yet about cause and effect.
  • Educational problems: in an early study of late placements, it was reported that school problems became more important as the placement progressed. It is not known how late-adopted children do throughout their school years and to what extent they succeed in higher education. It is also important to know what contribution educational difficulties have on placement stability and quality of family life. Future adoption research should look at developments in the child’s life beyond the immediate family.

Behavioural and emotional problems: these are extremely common in samples of placed children, although Brand and Brinich have shown that the difference in behaviour problems in adopted compared with non-adopted children is accounted for by a small proportion of children with a high level of problems. Longitudinal research has established which problems are likely to persist for adopted children over time. This information is vital in shaping effective work with parents and with children. prospectively, not just those cases currently known by an agency to be in contact.

4. Contact arrangements with the birth family after adoption

There have been some studies relevant to parts of the question, but no research group has yet set up a study to examine comprehensively the short and long-term effects on the children and the other involved parties of various forms of contact with the birth family. The design for such a study would need to produce evidence on the effect of contact itself while accounting for the many possible and confusing variables. It would have to examine a representative sample

Impact studies suggest that adoptive families can deal with contact; there is as yet no well-conducted study of effects.

5. Adoption support, the views of service users and the evaluation of interventions

There are many gaps in the literature on consumers’ views of adoption support. The views of the adoptive parents and service providers have been much more frequently canvassed than the views of the children or the birth parents. The views of black and minority ethnic adopters have only been gathered in small-scale research. Representative samples of the parties to adoption need to be studied, rather than those who are researched because they seek help. Filling the gaps in service user research will increase the prospect of adoption services being much more carefully tailored than in the past.

There is an urgent need for more information on how to support adoptive families facing the challenge of parenting adopted children with severe and continuing difficulties. Over the coming years, many more trials must be set up to compare different interventions to support placements in difficulty. They will need to demonstrate what works best for whom, and how to replicate the interventions to achieve the same results. At the same time, we need to understand the factors contributing to outcomes and the processes of change.

Recommendations

Adoption research is not by any means complete. Even given the restrictions on the scope of this review, it is clear that both complex scientific studies, and many smaller-scale consumer-oriented and policy implementation studies are needed.

The planning of the longer-term prospective, longitudinal studies needs to be considered now to make best use of all the activities generated by the government’s adoption agenda. This can be followed by less expensive and less complex studies which have a shorter time-frame. Some initiatives may need to be in place for a few years before a useful evaluation can be conducted.

Good quality adoption research has potentially very significant implications for children who cannot remain with their birth parents. The more that practice is underpinned by secure research-based knowledge, the more the risk of disruption and unstable placements should be reduced and with it, the need for continuing health and social care services for adopted children and adoptive families.

Social Care Institute for Excellence

Goldings House, 2 Hay’s Lane
London SE1 2HB
tel 020 7089 6840
fax 020 7089 6841
textphone 020 7089 6893
www.scie.org.uk

Braille, tape and large print versions of this summary can be made available on request.

A full version of the knowledge review is available on the SCIE website and in print from SCIE.

Comments

The mind-body connection

I remember visiting my Grandmother's house during lunch-breaks from the hospital and we'd start our conversations right away as she scurried around the kitchen to get me the food she had prepared for me for my lunch.  These were no ordinary lunches; these were full meals, complete with coffee and fresh baked dessert.    <Yum... Angel Food cake... as only she could make!>

Keep in mind, it wasn't always like that with my grandmother.  There was a time she would barely say my name, let alone sit and eat a meal with me.  But when I was a nurse, things were different, and when I would visit her and my grandfather for lunch, she would immediately start chatting... and before I knew it, she would go into her little cliches like, "An ounce of prevention is worth a pound of cure."  I'd laugh, because my dad did the same exact thing, so I would tell her, "Yea...and a stitch in time saves nine.  Where's my food old woman?"  We'd both laugh because she knew I was making fun of her, as only I could.  I was the Black-Sheep in that family, and I worked it.  I miss that old woman.  She taught me the value of speaking my mind, and not being afraid of who I am.  I had bits and pieces of her influence throughout my life, and I realize how some forces really do outweigh others in a child's mind.

I'm fascinated by all the studying done in child-placement, because I wonder just how effective it really is?  Before and after outcomes can become predictable after a while, since people and behaviors, themselves, become predictable.  Given all the hormonal research already done on monkeys, what more needs to be done, (how many more studies need to be conducted), in terms of knowing stress causes chemical changes in the body?  I mean, really?  Hurt the monkey, the monkey will become stressed.  Duh.  Do it enough times, the monkey will be a stressed-out animal.  Ok, so we know the effects of stress on a body and what it means behaviorally.  [See the following link for details about stress reactions, http://www.fi.edu/learn/brain/stress.html]  What does this have to do with adoption and child-placement?

Traditionally, studies testing child placement are assuming the child has already been abused or neglected by the natural parents.  If the abuse is taking place at home, and the home is changed, then the problem should be solved, right?  Sometimes, I suppose.  That would depend on may factors, wouldn't it?

My concern is how adoption has become an optioned-choice these days, meaning someone is encouraging mothers to relinquish their unborn babies.  WHY???  Is it because people really think the supply-demand theory works with children as it does with cars and houses?  It's time this becomes a real investigation of comparisons of Before and After.  It's time the options to adopt a child are limited, and no longer given to those who have parents who need nothing more that what adoptive parents are paying for:  lessons in parenting and benefits to raise them properly.

In the meantime, it seems to me, people need scientific proof that the adoption option for newborn infants is in fact a risk and danger and must be cautioned against, because it puts that infant into a state of loss, just so people can make a profit.  So this is what I found so far:

Fatty Acids Role in Pre-natal Development

http://www.fi.edu/learn/brain/fats.html

DHA (docosahexaenoic acid) and AA (arachidonic acid) are both crucial to the optimal development of the brain and eyes. During pregnancy the mother supplies the developing fetus with these fatty acids, and she continues to provide this important brain food to her infant through breast milk. 
  
Some researchers believe an imbalance of omega-3 and omega-6 fatty acids may lead to a variety of mental disorders, including hyperactivity, depression, brain allergies, and schizophrenia

No one can seem to figure-out the connection between bad adoption practices, pathological parents, and final placement problems of an individual.  Hmmm.  Really?

Perhaps moving out of the science lab was not such a good idea.  Social scientists ask questions about child placement, in terms of after-the-fact scenarios, but who is investigating preventative measures for each baby born into adoption as a chosen option?  Aren't scientists aware of the brain damage that can be caused by maternal loss and abuse caused by sick individuals who claim to be healthy people?  [Sure they are, doctors are not stupid!] 

There is a need for further study, alright, but a study that compares the adoptee brain to the non-adoptee brain; the criminal mind to the non-criminal mind requires lots of support and money.  Who would be willing to lend these two things for the sake of better options in the future?  One can only imagine at this point.  I keep waiting....

Success stories

What I find lacking in most studies is the long term effects on adults adoption has. It looks as if adoption is called successful if the placement is not disrupted. So as long as the adoptive parents don't actually send away the child and as long as the child doesn't runaway adoption is succesful. I believe there are many cases where adoption doesn't work out in the child's best interest, without it being disruptive. An other important indicator for successful placement is based on educational success. For myself I never had any cognitive problems, besides a keen interest in almost any subject, making it hard to stay focused on the basics like I was supposed to. Still I was relatively successful in school and made it to university without much trouble. Emotionally I wasn't doing all that well, very much being the odd one out, feeling I didn't belong, not having any friends, not considering myself suitable for dating. So though me placement would look to be successful I hardly think that was the case. As an adult I've not been all that successful. I attended university, but left without a degree. I've been single most of my adult life and few relationships I've had never really worked out. I am employed and make a living, but work well below my capacity. As an employee I know I am not easy to handle, usually following my own path, which is usually successful and beyond expectations, but at the expense of credibility. Working the rat-race I can't keep up with, under competition I don't do well and following strict rules and patterns I just can't.

I believe studies into placement don't look much into these type of issues. What I run into is not severe enough to call me a problematic person, so my placement would be regarded a success story, something I don't feel it is.

The Big Question: Is the "Industry" a big mistake?

As a by-product of the Closed Era, I cannot help but think so many errors have taken place in child placement, all because greed and secrecy were being paid handsomely by both church and state.  Any one who has delved into the history of child placement and trafficking can clearly see the economics of wise investments, and shady dealings, even with minors.

It's sad to think the general public has been oblivious to these facts, but that's just how genius the private adoption industry has become over the decades.

New research has been published, and it's making the same arguments many us angry adoptees have been saying for years on public forums, only this latest article states it  without the adoptive influence:  "Teen's brains hold key to their impulsiveness" [http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/21997683/?GT1=10645]

How does this link to the adult adoptee, exactly? 

Quite simply, really.

How many of us were placed because our mothers were put in "homes for unwed mothers" and "unfit" to parent us? (Simply because she herself was a teen and a shame and embarrassment to her own family?)   How many of us were brokered because a married couple with no children was more capable and better suited to parent a child than a young single mom with too many mouths to feed?  How many of us were told we were orphaned single children... only to learn, we were in fact, parts of very large families, with many siblings?  Think this sort of practice isn't taking place in the private sector of adoption anymore?  Oh, just think again!  Business is more than just booming!

There seems to be an ethical dilemma here, and I believe it's proving itself to be more than just "a little" morally questionable.

Close, but still no cigar

More tests and studies have been linked to "lost word associations", a favorite topic of mine, since I think this is a core issue for a child removed from original family and land origins. 

Posted Tuesday, January 22, 2008 8:00 PM

Eureka! How the Brain has 'Aha' Moments

Sharon Begley

Think of one word that can form a compound word with “sauce,” “pine” and “crab.”

I’ll wait . . . .

Time’s up: did you come up with “apple,” to make “applesauce,” “pineapple” and “crabapple”? OK, let’s consider that a warmup. Try the same exercise—finding a word to make a compound word—with “bump,” “step” and “egg.”

Did “goose” pop into your head?

One more: for “back” “clip” and “wall.” . . . .It’s “paper,” for “paperback,” “paperclip” and “wallpaper.”

If you’re like many people, you tried to solve each problem methodically, first finding a word that would go with, say, “sauce” and then trying it out with “pine” and “crab.” But if you’re like most people in a more important way, if you solved these brain-teasers you did so not through this grind-through-the-possibilities approach, but through insight. That is, you thought a little and then, wham, the answer suddenly hit you.

Scientists have approximately no idea how this happens.

But they’re trying to figure it out, partly because some of the more notable achievements in, especially, science and math came to their discoverers through such “eureka” moments—Archimedes' law of buoyancy and Newton’s theory of gravity, for instance. (“Eureka” is in fact what Archimedes yelled when he leapt out of his bathtub upon figuring out how to calculate the volume of an irregularly shaped object: measure how much water it displaces.)

In each case, the moment of genius was preceded by two things, First came a mental impasse (“I’m stuck and have no idea what the &^$*ing answer is!”). Then came a restructuring of the problem ("OK, I must be thinking about this all wrong”) that leads to deeper understanding. Finally, you suddenly see the answer—which, in retrospect, seems blindingly obvious. In the most far-reaching study conducted so far on what the brain is doing before achieving an “aha” moment, two scientists used EEGs (electroencephalograms) to determine the site and type of brain activity during the stages leading up to the sense of eureka as well as the eureka moment itself.

They gave volunteers those sauce/pine/crab kind of word problems while electrodes monitored their brain activity. Sure enough, the volunteers reported being at a mental impasse at first. But those who eventually solved the problem also reported restructuring (moving from an inappropriate way of thinking about the problem and not knowing how to proceed to a state of knowing how to solve it). That is made possible by what the scientists call “internal retrieval processes,” which search your memory for ideas that can be used to reinterpret your knowledge (for instance, don’t think only of words that come before the given ones).

As Joydeep Bhattacharya of Goldsmiths College, London, and Simone Sandkuhler of the Medical College of Vienna report in their new study, being published in the open-access journal PLoS ONE tomorrow, mental impasse was characterized by excessive gamma waves. This brain rhythm is enhanced with focused attention; simply put, the would-be problem solvers were thinking too hard about one specific thing.

But those who successfully solved the puzzles, sometimes after the scientists gave them a hint, seemed to let their thoughts run free, rather than overthinking either the problem or their own thought processes. That suggests that success depends on an unconscious restructuring of information, as volunteers let their brains reshuffle words almost randomly until they came up with the answer.

Solving these word problems may not be precisely akin to, say, Archimedes’ eureka moment, but it’s not exactly feasible to scan the brains of everyone trying to solve a real-world problem to see what brain activity precedes the moment of insight. And in fact, these new results fit with the little work that has been done to date on the brain mechanisms underlying insight.

In 2004, for instance, Bhavin Sheth of the University of Houston measured the brain waves of people trying to solve problems like this: moving as few sticks as possible, turn the incorrect Roman-numeral equation XI + I = X (11 + 1 = 10, for those who forgot Roman numerology), made out of matchsticks, into a correct one. Some people try to solve it, Sheth told the 2004 meeting of the Society for Neuroscience, in a plodding, uncreative, trial-and-error way, usually moving the matchstick that makes up XI on the left to get X + I = XI. But if you mentally rotate the equation (or turn the paper it’s written on upside down, as Sheth’s volunteers could do), XI + I = X becomes X = I + IX (10 = 1 + 9) without moving a single stick.

In people who found the creative, zero-stick solution, low-frequency brain waves known as delta and gamma dropped just before the eureka moment. Delta waves are characteristic of such mental processes as memory; gamma waves, of coordinated mental activity. Both seem to mark focused, but conventional, mental activity. The fact that both disappeared right before the eureka moment suggests that the brain was escaping from conventional thought patterns, just as the latest study also found.

Right before the eureka moment, but not before the unimaginative solution, theta waves in the front of the brain increased. Theta waves seem to encode new information, so this suggests that people were forming new associations between previously unconnected concepts, or seeing the information in the problem in a new light. Specifically, they mentally rotate the matchsticks, coming up with a spatial solution to a numerical problem.

An earlier study that used the sauce/pine/crab type of problem reinforces this idea. When psychologist Mark Jung-Beeman of Northwestern University asked volunteers to find one word that could form a compound word with all three of the given words, he and colleagues found in a 2004 study that some people solved the problem uncreatively, thinking of every word that goes with “crab” and then trying them all on “pine,” for example. But volunteers who got it through insight rather than drudgery said they just stared at the words until “apple” popped into their head. Right before this insight, there was a spike in activity in the brain’s anterior cingulated, which reorients attention. That reinforces the idea that insight requires directing the brain away from the dead ends that characterize mental impasses.

So if you’re stuck on a problem that requires creativity, the first thing to do is relax, mentally. Stop pursuing the same old dead ends. Let your thoughts wander. Let your attention flit between seemingly irrelevant memories and thoughts. That’s the best way to let disparate pieces of the puzzle come together into your own eureka moment.

I know from my own personal experience, when talking to non-adoptees about my interests in pursuing a website that advocates the needs of the adult placed outside natural family design, I get the Deer-in-Headlights look, and any hopes of getting my fMRI study understood are close to having my bones rearranged for sport.  It's just not happening, because I speak a foreign language to most when it comes to these topics.  I understand that.  Most smart relinquished people do.

It's part of our langauge, and we learn to accept not everyone understands what or how it is we say or mean... we simply wait patiently until someone arrives who does to help us solve our problems.  Lucky for everyone else, we don't let go of things that are very important to us.  We have no choice in that matter, do we?

There's been even less done

There's been even less done to find out what happens to the birth parents after children are given up or taken away.  After all, who cares about the parents, it's the children that matter, right?
 
It doesn't seem to occur to them that children grow up, and that when a child grows up and finds out that his mother was coerced into giving him up, but got so depressed that she ended up killing herself, or that his adoptive parents had made false allegations that caused a delay that resulted in a termination of parental rights, which set a precedent leading to future babies being removed because of previous TPR, and that his little sister was raped in one foster home and his little brother was killed in another....Well, how is a kid going to feel when he finds out stuff like that?
 
Oh, and since having been in the system as a child is a risk factor for ending up having your own children put in foster care, does it still not matter what happens to the children of the past when they become the parents of the future? Do children suddenly become non-people when they turn 18?